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Inquiry Article

Parenting behaviors that shape child compliance: A multilevel meta-assay

• Patty Leijten,
• Frances Gardner,
• G. J. Melendez-Torres,
• Wendy Knerr,
• Geertjan Overbeek

x

• Published: October five, 2018
• https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0204929

Figures

Abstruse

Groundwork

What are the parenting behaviors that shape child compliance? Most inquiry on parent-kid interactions relies on correlational research or evaluations of "package bargain" interventions that manipulate many aspects of parenting at the aforementioned fourth dimension. Neither approach allows for identifying the specific parenting behaviors that shape child compliance. To overcome this, we systematically reviewed and meta-analyzed bachelor bear witness on the effects of experimentally manipulated, discrete parenting behaviors—a niche in parent-child interaction research that contributes unique information on the specific parenting behaviors that shape kid beliefs.

Methods

We identified studies past systematically searching databases and through contacting experts. Nineteen studies (75 event sizes) on four discrete parenting behaviors were included: praise, verbal reprimands, time-out, and ignore. In multilevel models, nosotros tested for each parenting behavior whether it increased child compliance, including both observed and parent-reported measures of child compliance.

Results

Providing "fourth dimension-out" for noncompliance robustly increased both observed and parent-reported child compliance (ds = 0.84–1.72; 95% CI 0.30 to 2.54). The same holds for briefly ignoring the kid after not-compliance (ds = 0.36–1.77; 95% CI 0.04 to 2.90). When observed and parent-reported outcomes were combined, only non when they were examined separately, verbal reprimands also increased child compliance (d = 0.72; 95% CI 0.26 to one.nineteen). Praise did not increase child compliance (ds = –0.27–one.19; 95% CI –2.04 to 1.59).

Decision

Our findings suggest that of the discrete parenting behaviors that are experimentally studied in multiple trials, specially time-out and ignore, and to some extent verbal reprimands, shape kid compliance.

Citation: Leijten P, Gardner F, Melendez-Torres GJ, Knerr W, Overbeek M (2018) Parenting behaviors that shape child compliance: A multilevel meta-assay. PLoS Ane 13(10): e0204929. https://doi.org/x.1371/journal.pone.0204929

Editor: Thomas M. Olino, Temple University, Usa

Received: March i, 2018; Accustomed: September 17, 2018; Published: October 5, 2018

Copyright: © 2018 Leijten et al. This is an open up access article distributed nether the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Information Availability: Data are available from the Open Science Framework website (https://osf.io/g7f3p/).

Funding: This work was supported by UBS Optimus Foundation (CH); National Institute for Health Inquiry (UK). The funders had no office in report design, data collection and assay, decision to publish, or grooming of the manuscript.

Competing interests: The authors have alleged that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

Parents' attempts to socialize young children atomic number 82 to a dynamic coaction betwixt parenting behaviors to control kid behavior and varying incidences of children'southward compliance and non-compliance. Many forms of not-compliance in children are developmentally appropriate. Certain levels of resistance to parental command reflect children's developing autonomy [ane,2], one of the key aspects of healthy kid development and well-beingness [3]. If children's non-compliance rates ascent above a certain threshold, however, this can reflect emotional and behavioral regulation problems, or problematic parenting, and tin in some cases lead to the evolution of conduct problems [iv].

Child compliance refers to the degree to which children do what parents ask them to practise and refrain from doing what parents enquire them non to do. Children comply with parental requests for different reasons. One main distinction is between willing compliance and coerced compliance [1,five]. Willing compliance reflects internally motivated compliance (i.e., children comply because they want to); coerced compliance, or obedience, reflects externally motivated compliance (e.g., to avoid threats or punishment, or to receive rewards). The intention of children's compliance can be hard to judge. Examining the effects of parenting behaviors that are expected to activate either children's internal or external motivation to comply may increase our understanding of why children comply.

Why nosotros need focused experimental enquiry on parent-child interactions

Decades of enquiry prove associations betwixt parenting beliefs and children's carry issues [vi–8]. This inquiry is of paramount importance for our understanding of the undeniable link between parenting behavior and child compliance. Much of this enquiry, even so, has methodological limitations for building an understanding of the precise parenting behaviors that shape child compliance.

First, much inquiry is correlational and thus cannot easily distinguish between causes and effects of parenting and kid beliefs. This is peculiarly problematic given that children may influence parenting beliefs as much as vice versa [ix,x]. As well, nigh of this enquiry relies on broad parenting constructs, such as warmth and behavioral control [8]. These constructs are based on multiple and sometimes meaningfully dissimilar parenting behaviors. Parental warmth, for case, is a well-known predictor of compliant child beliefs, specially when combined with appropriate levels of support and behavioral control [vii]. Measures of warmth tend to include both sensitivity to children'southward needs and expressing positive verbal and nonverbal impact. The latter in plough includes both unconditional expression of affection (e.g., daily prepare quality time to play) and conditional expression of affection (e.one thousand., praise for compliance). If more than warmth is associated with more child compliance, it remains unclear which elements of warmth (eastward.g., unconditional or provisional expression of affection) actually drive this clan. The aforementioned holds for behavioral command, another well-known predictor of child compliance [7]. Parents adopt meaningfully dissimilar strategies to address children's misbehavior. One distinction, for example, is between drawing attention to the fact that the child misbehaved (east.yard., past giving verbal reprimands) versus temporarily withdrawing attending when the child misbehaved (e.chiliad., ignoring the child or placing the child in "time-out" to forbid reinforcement of misbehavior). Relying on correlations between child compliance and wide parenting constructs such as warmth or control therefore provides limited insight into the precise parenting behaviors that shape child compliance.

Second, where experimental enquiry is available, it typically tests the effects of circuitous multicomponent parenting interventions on children'south acquit issues (e.g., Parent Management Grooming—Oregon Model, Triple P—Positive Parenting Program, Incredible Years, and Parent–Kid Interaction Therapy [11–fourteen]). Studies on the furnishings of these comprehensive interventions are essential for informing clinical do about the strategies that are most effective for reducing problematic levels of children's noncompliance. However, considering of their package-deal focus on simultaneously irresolute many different parenting behaviors, evaluations of these parenting interventions do not allow for pinpointing the verbal parenting behaviors that shape child compliance [15].

Focused experimental enquiry is relatively rare in parent-child interaction research. It is, withal, precisely this arroyo that is necessary to place the specific parenting behaviors that shape kid compliance [15]. Often equally precursors to comprehensive parenting intervention evaluations, many of these studies were conducted in the 1960s to 1980s. Behavioral experiments tested the effects of discrete parenting behaviors such as praise [16] and time-out [17] on kid compliance. Recent work is adding to the body of evidence showing that discrete parenting behaviors can shape child compliance [18].

The present systematic review and multilevel meta-analysis

The aim of the present meta-analysis is to identify the detached parenting behaviors that shape kid compliance, by analyzing the effects of individually manipulated parenting behaviors on children'south compliance. This aim is pursued with a quantitative multilevel meta-analytic arroyo that includes a comprehensive search for studies that experimentally tested the effects of parenting behaviors on child compliance.

Methods

Data sources, written report selection, and inclusion criteria

We included studies that experimentally manipulated discrete parenting behaviors and tested the effects of these behaviors on kid compliance. We identified studies: 1) through keyword searches in three databases (CINAHL, Embase and PsycINFO), including kid, parent, compliance, randomization and varying examples of parenting behaviors, including reinforcement, praise, time-out etc (S1 Table); 2) by searching Web of Science, Scopus and Google Scholar using writer names from known relevant studies; and 3) past emailing all authors of included studies to ask whether they knew of any other relevant studies. We last updated this search on Feb vii^th 2018.

We included experimental studies in which (i) the effects of the manipulation of a single parenting behavior was tested on child compliance; (ii) children's mean age was 2–9 years (maximum historic period xiii years); and (iii) allocation to experimental and control condition was random. No restrictions were placed on the nature of the parenting beliefs. For example, physical punishment was includable, but none of the studies that tested the effects of spanking fit inclusion criteria. No restrictions were placed on the nature of the control weather condition, other than that they did not actively target the parenting beliefs manipulated in the experimental status. No restrictions were placed on language of the publication. We excluded studies that targeted parental feelings or cognitions (e.one thousand., feelings of self-efficacy) rather than parenting behaviors.

Because we wanted to make sure to include all relevant rigorous inquiry designs, we did boosted systematic searches of the literature for (i) disentangling trials with multiple intervention conditions that differed on the specific parenting behaviors that are manipulated in each of the intervention weather, and (2) unmarried-field of study and multiple baseline studies that manipulated parenting behaviors and tested temporally associated changes in child compliance (S2 Table).

We first examined abstracts and, if needed, the total text, to produce a list of eligible studies (Fig 1). I author (WK) assessed abstracts and full texts; the final listing of studies included in the review was assessed by two other authors (PL and FG; S3 Table). An overview of excluded studies and reasons for exclusion is included as Supporting Information (S4 Table).

Information extraction

Studies were coded for (i) study characteristics (e.g., outcome measures included; risk of bias), (two) sample characteristics (e.thousand., children's historic period and whether children were typically developing, at-risk for non-compliant beliefs, or referred for non-compliant behavior), and (iii) manipulated parenting beliefs (e.g., "praise" or "time-out"). All studies were coded past two authors (PL and WK). Inter-coder agreement was fantabulous for both chiselled characteristics (Cohen's Kappa values >.95, e.g., lab versus home setting) and continuous characteristics (Intraclass correlations >.90, due east.g., kid historic period).

Manipulated parenting behaviors

All manipulated parenting behaviors that were manipulated in multiple studies were included. This was the case for iv parenting behaviors: (1) Praise, in which parents verbally limited approval or admiration for the child's compliance; (2) verbal reprimand, in which parents tell the child what s/he did wrong; (iii) Time-out, in which parents take the child out of the state of affairs in which noncompliance occurred, and place children in a separate part of the room, or another room, for a few minutes without social interaction; (iv) Ignore, in which parents practise non engage in any class of verbal or nonverbal interaction with the child for a few minutes. Delight see S5 Table for our coding scheme.

Some studies further distinguished between dissimilar approaches to time-out (e.chiliad., time-out procedures that included warnings versus procedures that did not include warnings) or different types of praise (e.thou., labeled praise versus unlabeled praise). These subgroups of behaviors, nonetheless, were too scarce to be analyzed separately.

Child compliance

Included outcome measures were observed and parent-reported child compliance (S6 Table). Assessments of other disruptive child behaviors, such as children's hyperactivity of impulsivity, were excluded because these not necessarily reflect noncompliance. Measures of observed child compliance are by and large preferred over parent-reported measures because they are less subjective, especially where raters are blinded to conditions [19]. Parent reports may be biased because parents themselves were the focus of the manipulation. Drawbacks of measures of observed kid compliance are that they may be used in structured and lab-based settings that may exist less natural, even if but considering of the presence of a camera or observer, and cover the kid's behavior only in a particular setting and time [20]. In improver, observational tasks to appraise compliance tend to differ meaningfully across studies in their level of structure (e.g., whether all parents provide children with the same gear up of instructions or spontaneous instructions are observed) and ecological validity (e.grand., whether they are in the home setting with typical daily parenting instructions or in a lab setting with seemingly bogus instructions). The advantage of parent reports is that they can cover a broader range of child compliance in different settings (e.g., during morning routines and repast times) and at multiple times.

Considering of the strengths and limitations of each approach, and because they can lead to meaningfully different outcomes [21], we decided to include both approaches and examination them in separate models. In addition, considering we know this is a small research field with a limited numbers of studies, we also tested parent-reported and observed outcomes together in i model, to proceeds statistical power. This arroyo to test effects both in split models, and in a combined model, farther allowed the states to exam whether findings are robust across blazon of event (i.eastward., parent-reported or observed).

Outcome size calculation

Effect sizes (Cohen's d) reflected the standardized mean difference in child compliance between weather condition with and without manipulation of the specific parenting beliefs. Consequence sizes were based on the raw ways and standard deviations reported in the studies or obtained past contacting study authors. Nosotros preferred where possible to include postal service-exam means and standard deviations that were ANCOVA-adjusted for baseline scores. If these were unavailable, we used unadjusted post-test means and standard deviations, or upshot sizes estimated based on t-test and F-test statistics. When converting F-examination statistics to Cohen's d, nosotros fabricated conservative assumptions about the size of the difference. Positive effect sizes reflect that children in the experimental status were more compliant than children in the control condition. A Cohen's d of 0.20 reflects a small-scale effect, 0.l a moderate effect, and 0.eighty a large effect [22].

Multilevel approach

Nosotros used a multilevel meta-analysis approach, which has the benefit of preserving information from all relevant comparisons and event measures [23,24]. Each outcome of interest j is nested within a study i. In a multilevel meta-analysis, the effect size d _ij is derived from a sample, and has a sampling variance fastened to it. We estimated models with three levels, where Level 1 was the participants' outcome (and was thus implied, because our meta-analyses but has summary effect size estimates, not the individual participant data), Level two was the effect size associated with the comparison and outcome measure out, and Level iii was the study. That is to say, nosotros nested effect sizes within studies. Nosotros placed random effects on both levels of the assay.

We estimated three models for each parenting behavior: one on the furnishings of the parenting behavior on observed compliance, i on parent-reported compliance, and one on both observed and parent-reported compliance. We included the latter to increase the power of our analyses. Nosotros analyzed in each model all studies that compared the furnishings of the target parenting behavior with a command status. We estimated all models in the R environment using the package–metafor–[25].

Nosotros assessed risk of bias of individual studies (as high, low or unclear) using the Cochrane Collaboration tool (Table one). Specifically, we assess whether type of randomization procedure was clear, allocation was concealed, participants and effect assessors were blind to weather condition, incomplete data were addressed, drib-outs were analyzed, and the likelihood of selective consequence reporting. All studies reported random allocation, but particularly older studies often failed to describe how sequences were generated and whether resource allotment was concealed). Considering parents were actively instructed as part of the manipulation, participant blindness was non possible in any of the studies. Risk of bias was low for most studies on blinding of effect assessors, addressing incomplete data, analyzing drop-outs, and selective upshot reporting. Across studies, the relatively small size of the field means the evidence-base we piece of work with is relatively small, and not necessarily mature in terms of solid replication attempts.

Results

Included studies

Nosotros included 19 studies with a total of 75 issue sizes (Tabular array 2). Children across studies ranged in age between i and twelve years, although most samples included children between the ages of 3 and 8 years. The majority of the studies (95%) tested the furnishings of manipulated parenting behavior in a single session and the majority of the studies (68%) were conducted in lab settings, as opposed to in the families' homes. Independent observations of firsthand compliance were included in 84% of the studies; parent-reported compliance was included in 26% of the studies. Less than half of the studies (47%) reported on the sample'due south ethnicity. The bulk of the families in the studies that did report ethnicity were white, with percentages of non-white families ranging 0 to 25. Nigh all studies were conducted in the US; ii studies were conducted in the Netherlands.

Twenty-one percentage of the studies included children clinically referred for conduct bug, 32% included children at risk for the development of bear disorders (due east.g., children with elevated levels of conduct bug), and 47% included typically developing children. Chiefly, study characteristics (e.thousand., referred children versus typically developing children) did not announced to be confounded with the type of parenting behavior tested (eastward.g., time-out versus praise). The effects of all parenting behaviors were tested in multiple samples with unlike levels of acquit issues (Table 2).

Our additional searches for studies using rigorous designs other than focused experiments (i.e., disentangling trials, unmarried subject and multiple baseline studies) did non atomic number 82 to further eligible studies for inclusion in the meta-assay. Of the disentangling trials (yard = 11), x studies did not run into inclusion criteria, in most cases because the differences betwixt conditions was something other than teaching parents different parenting techniques. Please see the Supporting Information for excluded studies and reasons for exclusion. Ane written report was already included equally a focused experimental written report [26]. Of the identified single-subject and multiple baseline studies (g = 4), just one study [27] provided the statistical details needed for meta-assay. The three other studies did not provide these details [28–30]. Even if all unmarried-subject studies had provided the statistical details needed for meta-analysis, the sparse number of subjects across all studies (n = 12), and the modest number of crossover periods, precluded the robust use of meta-analysis methods for single-bailiwick studies (due east.g., multilevel models similar to individual participant information meta-analysis [31–33]).

Parenting behaviors that shape child compliance

2 parenting behaviors significantly increased observed child compliance: providing time-out for noncompliance (d = 1.72, p < .001) and ignoring for noncompliance (d = 0.36, p < .001; Table 3). Providing praise for compliance or providing a verbal reprimand for noncompliance did not increase child compliance (ds range -0.27 to 0.74, ps > .09, respectively).

Consistent with our findings for observed child compliance, fourth dimension-out (d = 0.84, p < .01) and ignore (d = 1.77, p < .01) increased parent-reported child compliance, whereas praise and exact reprimand did not (ds were 1.xix and 0.72, ps > .07).

When we tested the furnishings of each parenting behavior on child compliance across the two different types of outcome measures (i.e., including measures of both observed and parent-reported compliance), we found that not merely time-out (d = 1.57, p < .001) and ignore (d = 0.88; p < .05) increased child compliance, but that exact reprimands did then too (d = 0.72, p < .01). Besides across outcome measures, nonetheless, praise did not increase kid compliance (d = 0.20, p = .777).

Were we to have had 10 or more studies in any ane comparison, we would have used Egger's test to examine small-study and publication bias. We chose not to employ funnel plots equally these would take been misleading with multiple effect sizes per written report.

Discussion

Nosotros examined the extent to which discrete parenting behaviors shape child compliance. We evaluated evidence from focused experimental research on parent-child interactions, where discrete parenting behaviors were manipulated to examine their effects on kid compliance. This blazon of research is relatively rare in parent-kid interaction enquiry, but adds unique information on the precise parenting behaviors that shape child compliance.

Parenting behaviors that robustly increased kid compliance beyond outcome measures (i.e., observed and parent-reported) were using a time-out process when children do not comply, and ignoring children for a few minutes when they exercise not comply. When both types of consequence measure were combined, but not when observed and parent-reported outcomes were examined separately, verbal reprimands also increased child compliance. Praise did not increase child compliance.

Patterson'southward coercive procedure model [35] suggests that preventing reinforcement of noncompliance is the most constructive way to increment kid compliance. Placing children in time-out for noncompliance, or briefly ignoring them, are ways of preventing reinforcement. In a fourth dimension-out process the child is isolated from social interaction and other reinforcers past being taken out of the situation where s/he was noncompliant and placed in another room, or another part of the room. In an ignore procedure the child stays in the state of affairs where s/he was noncompliant, just does not get whatever attention from the parent. Time-out procedures might in some cases touch kid compliance through other mechanisms than social isolation alone, such equally removing the child from an enjoyable activity. Importantly, yet, time-out and ignore share an important characteristic with each other that they do not share with other negative consequences such as natural consequences or taking away privileges: they briefly isolate the kid from interaction with the parent. As such, they may activate children's innate basic psychological need to vest [36], and therefore their motivation to reconnect with the parent.

Why were some parenting behaviors more effective than others?

There is evidence to suggest that "bad is stronger than good" and that parenting behavior that is unpleasant for the child affects children stronger than parenting behavior that is pleasant for the child [37]. Our findings in part support this hypothesis, by suggesting that mainly disciplining behaviors (i.e., fourth dimension-out and ignore, and in part verbal reprimand), as opposed to praise, improve firsthand and short-term child compliance. This is in line with findings that the brusk-term effects of negative consequences on child compliance are adequately consistent, whereas the furnishings of praise and nurturance on child compliance are less consequent [38,39].

Heterogeneity was particularly large betwixt studies that tested the effects of praise on kid compliance. Praise is controversial. On the one hand, enquiry on the development, prevention, and handling of carry issues generally suggests that praise is part of a positive parenting way that protects against the development of conduct problems, and is constructive in reducing conduct problems [twoscore]. On the other hand, research on children's motivation and prosocial behavior suggests that praise tin undermine children'due south intrinsic motivation [41–42]. Praise tends to be perceived as positive, just besides as controlling, because praise is provided contingently upon specific behavior simply [43]. Thus, praise tin yield both positive and negative effects, depending on precise diction, to whom it is provided, and the context in which it is provided. The heterogeneity that we observed may well reflect these divergent patterns.

Possible changes over time

Studies included in our meta-analysis focused exclusively on immediate and curt-term effects of parenting behaviors, with studies varying from several minutes to multiple weeks in the time lag between manipulating and event. Some parenting behaviors may be slower to influence child compliance than other parenting behaviors, and some may non even intend to evoke immediate responses, but have longer-term goals such every bit strengthening the parent-kid human relationship. Similarly, some parenting behaviors that influence immediate compliance may lose their effects over time. Corporal punishment, for example, is related to immediate compliance but not to longer-term compliance, and is inversely related to children's conduct bug [44,45]. The relative contributions of dissimilar parenting behaviors over time remain unclear and warrant further investigation.

Possible condiment or synergistic furnishings of parenting behaviors

We tested the effects of individual parenting behaviors on kid compliance. Combined parenting behaviors sometimes have stronger effects on child behavior than private parenting behaviors [46]. One of the about prominent hypotheses in this context is that teaching parents relationship edifice and nurturing skills increases the furnishings of negative consequences on child behavior, considering negative consequences will so be more than strongly associated with the loss of a valued positive reinforce [47]. Very few studies are set up to test such a 2-stage model. Yet, our findings do suggest that the most powerful consequences might be ones in which children lose the valued positive reinforcements of parental acceptance and interaction. Future work is needed to place whether improving parental relationship edifice and nurturing skills indeed increases the effects of disciplining behavior on child beliefs.

Is increasing child compliance a skilful thing?

Distinctions such as those between willing compliance and coerced compliance [1,v] illustrate the complexity of judging child compliance as either a desirable or an undesirable outcome, and a narrow focus on child compliance every bit a desirable outcome is an oversimplification of longer-term child well-being. Almost notably mayhap, physical penalization can increase firsthand child compliance, but has detrimental furnishings on child well-existence and long-term deport issues [44,45]. Some enquiry suggests that time-out and ignore procedures as well have negative side-effects for children. Social pain, the emotional reaction to being excluded from desired relationships, tin injure every bit much every bit physical hurting [48]. In this written report, nosotros do not address whether for example fourth dimension-out and ignore are either acceptable or inadequate parenting behaviors, and whether child compliance acquired by these procedures is either desirable or undesirable. Our study simply shows that fourth dimension-out and ignore promote immediate and brusk-term child compliance.

Informing intervention strategies

Our findings provide insights into the parenting behaviors that seem about effective at increasing immediate and short-term child compliance. They cannot straight inform parenting interventions virtually the behaviors they should, or should non, teach parents to reduce problematic levels of not-compliance or conduct problems. As discussed, some parenting behaviors may need more than fourth dimension to influence kid behavior. Our findings should be integrated with findings from complementary research strategies, such every bit meta-analysis of the associations betwixt parenting intervention components and intervention furnishings [49,50] and longitudinal studies on bidirectional relations between various types of parenting behavior and child compliance [51,52], to understand the empirical merit of implementing discrete parenting behaviors as function of intervention strategies.

Strengths and limitations

Our study is the first systematic examination of the detached parenting behaviors that shape kid compliance. This work fills a critical gap in our noesis on child compliance that often relies on correlational designs and complex intervention evaluation research. Our study disentangles dissimilar aspects of broad parenting constructs such every bit behavioral control into discrete parenting behaviors such as verbal reprimands, ignore, and fourth dimension-out. We conducted all analyses in three parallel models (observed and parent-reported child compliance, and both outcomes combined). Results were replicated across models for well-nigh all findings.

Notwithstanding, our study is not without limitations. First, the quality of all meta-analyses depends on the characteristics of the primary studies—ours is no exception. We focused exclusively on immediate (observed) and short-term (parent-reported) child compliance, because none of the studies included measures of child beliefs beyond several weeks—most included relatively immediate measures of child compliance only. Chiefly, the aim of our study was to take a close-up shot of how parenting beliefs shapes child compliance. The aim of our study was not to examination long-term furnishings of parenting behavior on kid outcomes. Second, and relatedly, the primary studies provide empirical support for the effects of parenting behaviors on child compliance, but non on the mechanisms that presumably underlay these effects. 3rd, the number of available studies was relatively modest, despite cartoon on twoscore years of cumulative enquiry and comprehensive attempts to locate different relevant bodies of show (i.e., disentangling trials, unmarried-bailiwick and multiple baseline studies). One of the consequences of the express number of studies is that nosotros did not have sufficient statistical power to exam whether the outcome of parenting behaviors depends on the extent to which another parenting behavior is used (i.e., interaction effects).

Determination

We identified discrete parenting behaviors that causally impact kid compliance. Based on the available evidence, we found that time-out and ignore procedures increased child compliance, robustly across observed and parent-reported outcomes. At that place was some evidence, though less robust, that verbal reprimand increased child compliance. Praise did not affect child compliance. More than mostly, more focused experimental research on parent-child interactions is needed to improve our understanding of the specific parenting behaviors that shape child compliance.

Supporting information

Acknowledgments

This work was supported by a grant from the UBS Optimus Foundation to PL, FG (PI), and GJMT. GJMT is part-supported by the National Institute for Wellness Research (NIHR) Collaboration for Leadership in Applied Health Inquiry and Care West Midlands. This paper presents contained inquiry and the views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the National Health Service, the NIHR or the Department of Wellness. Neither funding source had a office in the blueprint of this report, its execution, analyses, estimation of the data, or decision to submit the results.

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Source: https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0204929